{"id":577,"date":"2017-09-06T16:14:46","date_gmt":"2017-09-06T16:14:46","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/arcticincontext.com\/?p=577"},"modified":"2021-07-30T22:40:26","modified_gmt":"2021-07-30T22:40:26","slug":"does-quebec-need-the-arctic-council","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/jsis.washington.edu\/aic\/2017\/09\/06\/does-quebec-need-the-arctic-council\/","title":{"rendered":"Does Qu\u00e9bec Need the Arctic Council?"},"content":{"rendered":"

This article is part of an Arctic in Context series featuring Winter 2017 Arctic Research Fellows\u00a0from\u00a0the International Policy Institute, in the Henry M. Jackson School at the University of Washington. This Arctic research program is dedicated to\u00a0improving the transfer of research and expertise\u00a0between higher education and the policy world in the area of global affairs.<\/em><\/p>\n

By Amy M. Delo<\/strong><\/p>\n

At the 2014 Arctic Circle Assembly, in front of more than 2,000 participants from 50 countries, Philippe Couillard, premier of Qu\u00e9bec, highlighted the province\u2019s commitment to Arctic matters, stating, \u201cWe want, and we will be, part of the dialogue on Arctic and Nordic issues.\u201d Playing a role in the formation of Arctic policy has been an integral part of Qu\u00e9bec\u2019s efforts to claim a voice on the international stage. Couillard\u2019s words asserted his position as a key sub-national leader in Arctic issues and illustrated Qu\u00e9bec\u2019s determination for a seat at the Arctic negotiating table.<\/p>\n

As a historically, culturally, and linguistically distinct region of Canada, Qu\u00e9bec is often considered a \u201cnation within a nation.\u201d The Canadian Parliament legally recognized this unique status through the Qu\u00e9bec Nation Motion of 2006, which formalized a kind of partial sovereignty for the province. The motion, while mostly symbolic in nature, provides validation for the existence of Qu\u00e9bec as a distinct entity with its own goals and agendas, chief among them its Arctic development program. Although Qu\u00e9bec held two secession referenda, in 1985 and 1990, it is no longer seeking complete political independence from Canada. Instead, it is leveraging its semi-autonomous status to assert a distinct identity and leadership role in international relations, especially in the Arctic.<\/p>\n

Most actors with vested interests in the Arctic (countries, indigenous groups, and non-governmental organizations) collaborate through the unique institution of the Arctic Council. But sub-national political units, like Qu\u00e9bec, do not have formal status in the Council; they can only participate via their federal governments. Qu\u00e9bec, unable to access the Arctic Council independent of Canada, has shaped regional decision-making and distinguished its own role from Ottawa\u2019s Arctic agenda through the creation of Plan Nord and participation in the Arctic Circle Assemblies.<\/p>\n

Qu\u00e9bec\u2019s government first introduced Plan Nord in 2011. The package of economic, social, and environmental development policies was designed to promote public and private investment, and improve both physical and human resources, in northern Qu\u00e9bec (Nord-du-Qu\u00e9bec). The creation of Plan Nord was instrumental in distinguishing Qu\u00e9bec from Canada on the international stage by allowing Qu\u00e9bec to formulate its own multilateral relations with other states, without Canada.<\/p>\n

Premier Couillard showed off Plan Nord to an international audience at the 2014 Arctic Circle Assembly in Reykjavik, Iceland. The Arctic Circle is an Icelandic NGO that organizes a yearly meeting for diplomats, scientists, intellectuals, indigenous groups, and other actors with a vested interest in the region. Unlike the Arctic Council, the Arctic Circle does not have a governance role, but it does provide an alternative forum for discussing issues of relevance to the Arctic. The Arctic Circle is even considered by some to be an alternative body for those excluded from the Arctic Council. As an Arctic Circle Partner (a member organization), Qu\u00e9bec can have its voice heard in a way that is not possible in the Arctic Council. One of only two government entities outside of Iceland to be an Arctic Circle Partner, Qu\u00e9bec plays a leadership role in the institution and provides financial support. Couillard\u2019s presentation at this Assembly explained Plan Nord to other participants, discussing how it could be a model for both federal and sub-national entities with Arctic territory, such as the country of Iceland or the state government of Alaska.<\/p>\n

With international interest piqued by Plan Nord, Qu\u00e9bec collaborated with the Arctic Circle to host its own conference to further showcase the achievements of the strategy and encourage other governments to adopt similar policy packages. In preparation, Premier Couillard made an official visit to Iceland in 2015 to meet with then-President \u00d2lafur Ragnar Gr\u00ecmsson. The relationship between the Canadian province and the Icelandic government was solidified, leading to the development of the joint Arctic Circle Forum on Sustainable Development hosted in Qu\u00e9bec City in December 2016. Topics of discussion included Plan Nord and ways to increase collaboration between Qu\u00e9bec and other governments and organizations.<\/p>\n

Beyond this event, Qu\u00e9bec has made itself indispensable to the Arctic Circle. \u00c9ric Theroux, assistant deputy minister for policy in Qu\u00e9bec\u2019s Ministry of International Relations and Francophonie, is an Arctic Circle board member, while Couillard serves as an honorary board member. Holding these leadership positions\u2014which would not be possible in the Arctic Council\u2014amplifies Qu\u00e9bec\u2019s ability to influence decision-making within the Arctic Circle. As noted<\/a> by J\u00f6el Plouffe, a researcher for the Center for the Study of Politics and Security in the Arctic, this kind of participation in the Arctic Circle is a way to \u201cbrand Qu\u00e9bec as a northern actor that has vested interests in the (changing) circumpolar region.\u201d<\/p>\n

But even as Qu\u00e9bec positions itself as a key player in Arctic politics, some of its policies have come under scrutiny, particularly from indigenous groups in northern Qu\u00e9bec critical of Plan Nord. Approximately 33,000 out of the 120,000 people who live in Nord-du-Qu\u00e9bec are indigenous. This includes Cree, Innu, Naskapi, and Inuit peoples. However, these populations were not allowed the input they deserved as the inhabitants of that area. In fact, the Nunavimmiut (Inuit) of northern Qu\u00e9bec created their own northern development strategy, called Parnasimautik, in response to Plan Nord, demonstrating their dissatisfaction with the consultation processes and final product of the government\u2019s program.<\/p>\n

Ensuring that conversations between Qu\u00e9bec and the Nunavimmiut are productive exchanges, and not merely lip service, will remain one of the greatest challenges of the province\u2019s Arctic policy. Government officials will need to engage in meaningful dialogue with indigenous populations and honor the traditional knowledge of these communities, which have existed in the Arctic for millennia. If this effort fails, disagreement within Qu\u00e9bec\u2019s borders will undermine the legitimacy of the government\u2019s leadership role in Arctic matters. But if they are successful, Qu\u00e9bec\u2019s partnerships with indigenous peoples will promote and validate its Arctic agenda, providing an example of how sub-national entities can collaborate with local partners to promote sustainable development.<\/p>\n

While Qu\u00e9bec has not been successful at incorporating indigenous knowledge and worldviews to shape its policy and goals, the Arctic Council was founded on the idea of bridging the gap between states and indigenous peoples. Qu\u00e9bec has made strides in advancing its Arctic agenda, but it should take note of the Arctic Council\u2019s model for collaboration with indigenous peoples if it wishes to remain a player on the international stage. Perhaps Qu\u00e9bec does need the Arctic Council after all.<\/p>\n

*****<\/p>\n

*****<\/p>\n

Amy M. Delo is currently pursuing a master\u2019s in international studies from the Henry M. Jackson School at the University of Washington. Her research focuses on the relationship between Qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois nationalism and the indigenous peoples of Qu\u00e9bec.<\/em><\/p>\n

Find the introductory article for this series\u00a0here<\/a>.\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

[Photo courtesy of\u00a0T<\/a>yler Thompson<\/a>]<\/p>\n

This article first appeared on the World Policy Institute website.<\/p>\n

<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

This article is part of an Arctic in Context series featuring Winter 2017 Arctic Research Fellows\u00a0from\u00a0the International Policy Institute, in the Henry M. Jackson School at the University of Washington. This Arctic research program is dedicated to\u00a0improving the transfer of research and expertise\u00a0between higher education and the policy world in the area of global affairs.<\/p>\n

Read more<\/a><\/div>\n","protected":false},"author":5,"featured_media":578,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[11,5,4],"class_list":["post-577","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized","tag-canada","tag-geopolitics","tag-indigenous"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/jsis.washington.edu\/aic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/577","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/jsis.washington.edu\/aic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/jsis.washington.edu\/aic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/jsis.washington.edu\/aic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/5"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/jsis.washington.edu\/aic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=577"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/jsis.washington.edu\/aic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/577\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1650,"href":"https:\/\/jsis.washington.edu\/aic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/577\/revisions\/1650"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/jsis.washington.edu\/aic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/578"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/jsis.washington.edu\/aic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=577"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/jsis.washington.edu\/aic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=577"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/jsis.washington.edu\/aic\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=577"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}